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Cambodians draw for land [-Stealing from Puthea to give to Phal?]
Many Cambodians lack land of their own. Photograph: Abbie Trayler-SmithA Cambodian scheme to redistribute land to the poor is drawing criticism from expropriated farmers, writes Francis Deron in Le Monde
Wednesday March 11th 2009
Francis Deron
Le Monde (France)
"Whereas the vast majority of farmers had their own plot of land 20 years ago, nowadays about one-fifth of the rural population is totally destitute, owning nothing whatsoever" - World Bank officialDay breaks in a village in Kompong Cham province, Cambodia, east of Phnom Penh. The paddy fields are deserted. Women are busy with the washing, but everyone is watching the family heads who have gathered around a map of the village and its surroundings showing the plots of land in the draw.An official with a megaphone takes a chit from a box and reads out a number. The men, sitting cross-legged on the ground, look anxiously at the number they have been allocated, though they must surely know it by heart. Finally the official announces the name of the winner.
This strange procedure is part of the Land Allocation for Social and Economic Development (Lased) programme. With help from the World Bank and the German Organisation for Technical Cooperation (GTZ), the Cambodian government is giving eligible families land that cannot be transferred for at least five years. It is up to beneficiaries to build a home on the plot and make a livelihood there. Initially, some 8,000 families will be involved.
Of course that is a very small number compared with the masses of Cambodia’s landless peasants, estimated at half a million by the World Bank – but it is a start.
There is nothing new about the problem of land ownership for peasant farmers but it has become an explosive issue in Cambodia. In the 1960s the nascent Khmer Rouge movement played on land shortages to drum up support for the Communist insurrection that helped overthrow the regime of the former king, Norodom Sihanouk. Publicising the current scheme sends the message that the government is looking out for the landless.
After the fall of the Khmer Rouge and the disappearance of officials and public records, confusion surrounded the redistribution of land as private property. To complicate matters further, tens of thousands of people were gradually returning from refugee camps. Much of the land was seized by those with power or influence. Estimates suggest that less than 1% of the population took control of 20% to 30% of the land in that first wave of privatisation, which started in 1991.
"Whereas the vast majority of farmers had their own plot of land 20 years ago, nowadays about one-fifth of the rural population is totally destitute, owning nothing whatsoever," says a World Bank official.
Many of these people had to sell their land, often illegally, to pay for the high cost of medical treatment when family members were injured by landmines in the fields. Until recently in Cambodia, explosive devices left over from 30 years of insurrection and war were still maiming or killing people, at a rate of about 1,000 victims a year. Some families might have lost their only buffalo, depriving them of the means to farm their land. They would have had no option but to sell and find work as seasonal farm labourers.
Only families with per capita earnings of less than 50 (US) cents a day qualify for the Lased programme. Launched in 2003 it concerns publicly owned land that local authorities are required to give up as "social land concessions".
However, the scheme has been unevenly deployed. Nine out of 20 provinces have complied, five others are still hesitating and Prey Veng, a densely populated province bordering on Vietnam, has announced it has no available land.
Rapid population growth has not helped, more than doubling numbers in some districts that were already hard pressed to feed everyone 20 years ago. Many plots lie fallow too, but demand far outstrips the political determination to exploit such land.
Protest movements by expropriated farmers, backed by Cambodian and foreign human rights organisations, are increasingly common. They have recently started taking their complaints to court. They have not had much success so far, but the rising number of cases prompted the prime minister, Hun Sen, to threaten to disband the authority in charge of settling land disputes on account of its inadequate results.
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Two French men sentenced over child sex in Asia
Thu, Mar 12, 2009
STRASBOURG, FRANCE, March 11, 2009 (AFP) - Two French men accused of frequenting child prostitutes in southeast Asia and recording their encounters were sentenced on Wednesday to the maximum sentence of seven years in prison.
The court in the eastern French town of Colmar also issued fines for Robert Chung, 72, and Jean-Marc Malgarini, 51, of 70,000 and 50,000 euros (90,000 and 64,000 dollars) respectively.
Both were accused of traveling to Cambodia regularly and filming their encounters with girls under 15.
They were prosecuted for having 'solicited, accepted or obtained' sexual relations with prostitutes under 15, as well as for importing and possessing child pornography.
Malgarini told the court he regretted his visits to Cambodia and Thailand - around 30, according to visas found in his passport - but argued that girls there would 'jump' on him.
'You don't realise,' he said. 'When you go there, you suddenly have five or six girls who jump on you.' Questioned about some 20 films seized as well as dozens of photos on his mobile phone showing the suspects with young girls, Chung claimed to have recorded the encounters for 'aesthetic' reasons.
Chung, a former doctor now stripped of his licence, said he was a lover of artistic images.
Malgarini was arrested in 2007 in connection with a probe linked to an Italian paedophile website. Chung was arrested shortly after at Paris' Charles de Gaulle airport.
French authorities were able to intervene in the case due to universal jurisdiction for sex tourism allegations, a measure aimed at protecting children.
The two men are also to pay 12,600 euros to children's rights associations.
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Documentary seeks justice for acid attack survivor
Thu, 12 Mar 2009
Girish Sawlani, Connect Asia
ABC Radio Australia
'Finding Face' explores the high-profile case of an acid attack on a young karaoke singer carried out ten years ago by Khoun Sophal, the wife of the undersecretary of state, Svai Sitha.Co-producer Skye Fitzgerald says the movie was made to give some sense of justice for the singer, Tat Marina, outside the Cambodian court system, which she says is notorious for corruption.
"The fact that there's never been any justice in any form and likely will never be any justice for her; this film is a way to seek some small form of justice at least in the court of public opinion," Ms Fitzgerald said.
Brutal attack
The film, directed and produced by Ms Fitzgerald and fellow producer Patti Duncan, follows the story of Tat Marina, who was granted asylum to enter the United States following the well-publicised 1999 attack.
At the age of 16, Marina was a rising star in Cambodia's emerging karaoke scene.
The film shows that after being coerced into an abusive relationship with Svai Sitha, she was attacked with acid by Khoun Sophal in front of hundreds of witnesses.
The attack left Marina with severe burns to 43 percent of her body, with doctors in the US later decribing it as one of the most horrific injuries they had ever encountered.
A warrrant for Khoun Souphal's arrest was issued soon after the attack, but she was never apprehended and is believed to be in hiding in Cambodia.
Threats
With many of Marina's Cambodia-based family members speaking out in the film, their safety is a matter concern.
Ms Fitzgerald says the details of the case have been lodged with human rights groups, embassies and US senators, to protect those involved with the film.
"If someone were so foolish as to make a threat against the family there would be a significant outcry amongst the international community," said Mr Fitgerald.
Ms Duncan says the film was driven by the need raise awareness of similar attacks, which she says have substantially increased in number over the past decade - a belief that is backed up by non-government groups in Cambodia.
"In 1999 to 2004 I think there were 75 attacks reported with more than 100 victims," said Jason Barber, a consultant with Cambodian human rights group LICADHO.
Mr Barber says his statistics are drawn from media reports, and that many additional attacks are likely to have been unreported.
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Cambodian acid attacks highlighted by new film
Tat Marina prior to the acid attack against her
Tat Marina and her brother following the acid attack (Photo: The Cambodia Daily)March 12, 2009
ABC Radio Australia
A US production company has released a feature film highlighting the issue of acid attacks in Cambodia.
Finding Face features a case involving a heinous acid attack on a young karaoke singer by the wife of a senior Cambodian official in 1999. With many similar attacks going unpunished, the film's producers hope the movie will provide victims some sense of justice.
Presenter: Girish Sawlani
Speaker: Tat Marina, acid attack victim; Patti Duncan, producer, Finding Face; Skye Fitzgerald, producer, Finding Face; Jason Barber, human rights consultant, LICADHO
SAWLANI: Tat Marina was just 16 when she was brutally attacked by the jealous wife of a high level Cambodian government official.
The teenage Karaoke singer had been in a relationship with Cambodia's undersecretary of state Svai Sitha, but didn't realise who he was at that time or the fact that he was married.
When his wife Khoun Sophal learnt of her husband's affair, she was raged with jealousy. And in December 1999, she and an assailant, believed to be her nephew, attacked Marina and poured highly toxic acid on her face outside Phnom Penh's Olympic market.The attack left her with severe burns to her face and body. Her lips were burnt to raw swollen blisters and had her ears removed by doctors as gangrene set in. While a warrant for Khoun Souphal's arrest was issued soon after, she's never been caught and is still believed to be hiding in Cambodia.
Marina's story's now being revisited in the documentary film Finding Face produced by the US based Spin Film. The film's co-producer Patti Duncan says putting the film together was an enormous challenge, but was driven by the need to raise awareness of acid attacks that have since increased substantially.
DUNCAN: She wanted to raise awareness about the topic of acid attacks, particularly in Cambodia where they have been on the rise. We hope that the film can also provide a vehicle for Marina as she continues to go through her own healing process.
ANONYMOUS VICTIM: They closed my case, they've never contacted me for any investigation or they never investigate anyone, they just close the case immediately, maybe right after the night of the accident, I don't know why they did this.
SAWLANI: Finding Face also explores the plight of other acid attack victims in Cambodia and underscores the fact that many of them will never find justice. Here's Jason Barber, a consultant with Cambodian Human Rights group Licadho.
BARBER: There's no reason to think that every acid attack in Cambodia ends up in the newspapers. So the real number of attacks we have no idea, I think no one has any idea. In '99 to 2004 I think there were 75 attacks reported, with more than 100 victims.
SAWLANI: In this respect the film's other producer Skye Fitzgerald sees Finding Face as a tool for justice for Marina and other victims.
FITZGERALD: The fact that there's never been any justice in any form and likely there'll never be any justice within the judicial system for her, this film is a way for them to seek some small form of justice and at least in the court of public opinion. There's a power and a strength to that that the family has reason to � that in itself is a goal worth achieving.
SAWLANI: In the months, and years following the brutal attack, the perpetrators husband, Svai Sitha had contacted Tat Marina in the United States expressing concern and even offering to take care of her needs. But he warned Marina and her family not to pursue a legal case. And with many of Marina's Cambodian based family members speaking out in the film, their safety is a matter of concern. But Co producer Skye Fitzgerald says any threats against them would incur a backlash.
FITZGERALD: We were very careful to collaborate with and brief a number of organisations including Human Rights Watch, the US embassy in Phnom Penh, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in Cambodia, local human rights NGOs. We're very careful to brief them over the nature of the family's vulnerability when the film was released, and to create what we like to call a cultural or public accountability so that if someone were so foolish as to make a threat against the family there's be a significant outcry within the international community.
SAWLANI: It's been more than nine years since the attack and Tat Marina has moved on and lives in the United States with her brother and young son. But the main perpetrator, Khoun Sophal remains at large.
While Marina's role in the film gives her with some sense of justice, she remains haunted by the ordeal.
MARINA: I always get nightmares every time, sometimes it's not every time. I've tried to leave my past behind but it's so hard. When strange people come out of nowhere and they saw me the way I look and they look at me what I've done to myself, and that is I come home at night time and always have a nightmare
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Human Security in Cambodia
Op-Ed: Virorth Doung
Unlike traditional security study strand which focuses on protecting the national security (state-centric) and interest from any threats by neighbors and terrorism, human security seeks to fulfill the human basic need to ensure that individuals enjoy their potentials and all kinds of freedom to acceptable welfare condition. Human dignity including the opportunity to participate meaningfully in community life can be realized (Sen 2000, Thomas 2001).
Posted at: http://cambodianbrightfuture.blogspot.com/
Allow me to draw your attention to debate on policy option. As part of my research, I would like to invite your view on human security in Cambodia. I intend to know if this new concept of human security can be considered as useful and applicable in Cambodian context (why yes and why not). In what ways if the concept is useful? What is the Cambodian government 's view and position on human security? What sectors should human security in Cambodia entail/cover and who should be the main actors to implement the human security if the concept is to be operationalized? I appreciate your thought.Following is some food for thought on human security concept.
Human security is a new paradigm and posits greatly in world politics as a useful concept and policy framework and become an analytical policy concept in the field of security and development studies. The need to shift to human security emphasizes the bottom-up approach and cosmopolitan in characters to secure individual human vital core especially the freedom of want and freedom of fear. The human security acknowledges that the state remains a main actor in guarantee the security for the nation and their people from any external threats and violence. However, human security advocates multi approaches by many players in fulfilling the human needs and safeguard individual security when the state fails to provide security to their own people. The people as referent for security and development study; not the state as referent in realism, can be traced from Niccolo Machiavelli ’s writing which defined the security as “absence of threats” to individual (Linklater 2005). Unlike traditional security study strand which focuses on protecting the national security (state-centric) and interest from any threats by neighbors and terrorism, human security seeks to fulfill the human basic need to ensure that individuals enjoy their potentials and all kinds of freedom to acceptable welfare condition. Human dignity including the opportunity to participate meaningfully in community life can be realized (Sen 2000, Thomas 2001). The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) formalized this concept in 1994 by encompassing broad range of issues which human-being need for their daily lives. Since then, the human security concept earns noticeable recognition in international politics and scholarly debate (Acharya 2007, Alkire 2003, Kaldor et al 2007, Lautensach 2006 and Peou 2005). In 2003, the commission on human security (CHS) produced a fine-tuned report: Human Security Now under co-leadership of Sadako Ogata and Amartya Sen. This report becomes main policy and conceptual framework for both scholar and practitioners as the report articulates the multi dimensional approaches in protecting and empowering the vital core of human.
There are four transformative reasons for this paradigm shift toward human security approach. First, interstate conflict (external threats) is no longer main concern for international security. Intrastate conflict, domestic threat and internal political segregation have become increasingly worrying threat to international security. Hunger, poverty, communicative deceases, economic deprivation and unequal growth distribution, environmental depletion and corrupt governance emerge as world problem and requires multi players to address, not only the state, to ensure individual vital core especially freedom from want and fear. Second, there is tendency in global politics toward community emancipation especially in critical theory (Linklater 2007). Human emancipation is defined as “the freeing of people” (as individuals and groups) from the physical and human constraints which stop them from carrying out what they would freely choose to do
(Caballero-Anthony 2005). The human security empowers individuals to exercise the freedom and enjoyment of daily life without any concern of insecurity. Human security emerges in response to a demand to guarantee the individuals freedom as well as to safeguard the states (Thomas 2001). Third, there is an argument that the liberal and republican approaches to peace-building prove less effective in war-shattered countries to transplant the liberal democracy and positive peace. Poverty, inequality and injustice remain the issue for addressing and is believed as the fault of liberal and republican ideology blueprint (Richmond 2006, Thomas 2001). The emergence of human security follows indicative failure of peace-building principles in post-conflict societies harbored by both liberalism and republicanism in recent UN missions (Newman and Richmond 2001). In particular, the states fail evidently to fulfill their obligations as the security guarantors for their citizens (Lautensach 2006). The human security is remedial to this loophole especially to enhance the healthy livelihood of individuals. At minimum, human security requires basic needs are met for all humankind (Sen 2000: 1 and Thomas 2001: 162).
Human security embraces the broad issues not only economic and political development, but covers culture, rule of law, and social inclusions.
Finally, the human security concept is a nexus of development, security and peace building which encompasses wide range of issues and was best specified procedurally (Alkire 2003; 40). Peace and development are intertwined and mutually depend. The development actors and peace building activists have their own focus separately so far. Human security embraces the broad issues not only economic and political development, but covers culture, rule of law, and social inclusions. Human security now receives considerable acknowledgement as important to make link between development, peace and good governance (Thomas 2001). “Putting people first” is slogan of human security meaning adopting the bottom-up or local approach to security that moved away from equating the security of state with the economic, political, social well-being of the citizens (Krause & Jutersonke 2005). According to John Cockell (2001), human security is a sustainable process of preventing internal threats from causing protracted and violent conflict. Protracted social conflicts are most often characterized by the contested pursuit of basic human needs by disadvantaged social groups (Cockell 2001). Amartya Sen (1999) raises that the world deprivation, destitution and oppression is a central part of development exercise and demands individual agency based approach to address such a problem to ensure individual freedom.
Human security has become foreign policy and operational framework in most countries in Europe and some countries in Asia . The UN body is gradually mainstreaming the human security through development framework, UN Trust Fund for Human Security. Middle power nations such as Canada, Norway with their like-minded states such as Austria, Chile, Greece, Ireland, Jordan, Mali, the Netherlands, Switzerland, Slovakia and Thailand take a lead in mainstreaming the human security in favor of freedom of fear, while the UN, Japan and other international institutions adopt human security in search for freedom of want (MacFarlane and Foong Kong 2006).
There is a contested argument over the concentration of human security between the “broad and narrow school of thought of human security” (Kerr: 2007). The narrow school of thought argues that human security should prioritize the violence threat to individual and seek strategy to tackle this to ensure the individual freedom of fear. Their success includes Ottawa on Ban Land Mines, small arm, international criminal court etc. The broad school of thought argues that to ensure human vital core and dignity, human security needs to deal with all range of issues so that human needs can be met (freedom from want). The former and the latter, however, work within the human security realm. The ASEAN countries in particular have practiced a form of human security with different name: comprehensive and cooperative security. The comprehensive security is viewed as multifaceted by incorporating military, economic, social, cultural and political dimensions. The cooperative security is seen as the potential adversary within the regions which is conducive to human security. The ASEAN ’s notion of comprehensive and cooperative security is the referent: the state- its resilience, legitimacy and security- not individual as human security entails. To put simply: most ASEAN countries view that the legitimate and secure states means secure citizens (MacFarlane and Foong Kong 2006).
Best regards.
Virorth Doung
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Some comment:
Hello Virorth and friends,
Human Security, in my opinion, is a struggle against threads on individual
Khmer citizen. The followings are example of those threads:
*Poverty and Preventable diseases:*
With an average income of less than fifty cents per day, average Khmer can't
make ends meet - not to mention have money to treat preventable diseases.
Even though Cambodia receives over $600 million USD per year on foreign
aides, the poor Khmer citizen cannot escape poverty and disease as much of
the subidies fall into the hands of corrupted officials. State run
hospitals require under table money before patients are admitted. A large
percentage of the peasants cannot even make the trip to the hospital due to
poor road infrastruction and lack of transportation. Most of our children
die before pass their infancy age. It is well-known that this area kills
far more people than war or genocide.
*Personal Ignorance:*
Under the Vietnamese occupation and the puppet ruler of Lok Hun Sen, Khmer
children don't have sufficient public education. By struggling with poverty
and infested disease, the undeveloped brain can't think beyond the next
meal. Most of us are grateful that we survived through the genocide and
this era is better than the past. That's the baseline for the unfortunate
Khmers who never seen what other options available for them.
*Natural and man-made disasters:*
Due to excessive deforestation and unthinkable dam buildings upstream of the
Mekong River, we changed the natural floor of life. There aren't enough
tree to grasps on to top soil to prevent floods and produce regular rain
water. Foreign investors perform illegal dumping of toxic chemical on our
farm land and drinking water. The RGC does not do enough to protect its
citizen for residual affect of their investment decision where the proceeds
go directly to the pockets of corrupted officials.
*War and Genocide:*
Infighting, civil war and genocide committed by Sihanouk and his comrades
until today caused disruption in Cambodia social fabric. Our population was
severly reduced by three millions during and post KR era. Close to another
million diminished during the Vietnamese installed K5 project and who knows
how many opposition's lives were politcally eliminated since the deadly coup
of 1997.
*Terrorism and foreign aggression:*
There are incidents where Khmer Krom monks were slaughtered by Vietnamese
agents in Cambodia. This is a violation of Cambodian national soveignty
where crimes were committed neighbor country. The same so-called friend
country has continue to sent millions of expats to reside and influence the
social, economic and politic fabric in Cambodia. This is an act of
terrorism performs by the Vietnamese aggressors.
As of late, another neighbor state also violates Cambodia sovereignty. The
movie star of such state has once provoked costly riote not too long
ago. Both aggressors continue to violate Cambodia's land and maritime
sovereignty which is a thread to human security in general.
What's laughable is that the latter state is also pushing for human
security. I personally this is a cooperative security done between Thailand
and Vietnam to swallow Cambodia whole as they once did prior to the French
colonialization of South East Asia.
*Oppression by own government:*
I've nothing to say further... as our own government is doing a great job in
this area.
By Delux
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Preah Vihear temple has access roads from all directions
Preah Vihear: The bird's eye view to the left is the plains of Cambodia where the staircases will be constructed leading up to the temple.everyday.com
10th March, 2009
Translated from Khmer by Khmerization
Preah Vihear temple have access roads from all directions after a temporary paved road has been completed recently. The access roads to Preah Vihear temple will be upgraded, complete with vehicle parking lots.Mr. Hang Soth, secretary-general of the Preah Vihear Authority, told Reaksmei Kampuchea that, other than constructing an access paved road, the Bayon foundation is in the process of constructing a "reception centre" at the foot of the mountain. He said also that, to the east, the Autority had ordered the constructions of staricases leading to the temple.
The staircases will be built along the ancient stairways and will be cconstructed by using natural rocks. The construction will take a long time to complete, therefore the Authority has ordered the construction of a temporary concrete stairways for temporary usage.
The old staircases, 3,000 in total which was constructed from woods, have deteriorated badly. The new staircases to be built, will be built at the T-junction at the foot of the mountain to the temple. It is 1418 metres in length but the access road to the temple will be widened to 7 metres wide, paved with concrete and complete with a parking lot capable of housing 50 vehicles.
Along these ancient staircases, there will be a plan to build an elephant track for tourist rides.
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Opposition Leader’s Immunity Restored
By Sok Khemara, VOA Khmer
Original report from Washington
11 March 2009
The National Assembly’s Permanent Committee voted to restore his protective status, which had been revoked since Feb. 26 following his refusal to pay fines stemming from allegedly disparaging remarks about ruling party leaders during 2008 election campaigning.Opposition lawmaker Son Chhay welcomed the decision, calling it a “correction” of the committee’s earlier decision, “which they should not do again in the future.”
Opposition leaders had said the revoking of immunity by Permanent Committee was unconstitutional, a position rejected by lawmakers of the ruling Cambodian People’s Party.
“What the opposition raised seems to look down on the 12 members of the committee,” said CPP lawmaker Cheam Yiep, who is a member of the Permanent Committee. “I have been a member of parliament for a long time and have enough experience and competence.”
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Khmer Intelligence News - 11 March 2009
11 March 2009
Government and aid officials claim that the percentage of Cambodians living below the poverty line dropped from 47% to 35% between 1996 and 2006. The fact is that, during that period, the “poverty line” used to assess the number of poor people and defined as a threshold of daily income, was surreptitiously lowered from US$1.00 to US$0.75. Had the “poverty line” not been changed, the percentage of Cambodians living with less than US$1.00 a day would be close to 50%. Moreover, had the “poverty line” been set at US$2.00 income a day as it is in the Philippines and some African countries, the percentage of Cambodians considered as poor would be 77.7% according to the UNDP. See “Over 75 percent of Cambodians live under poverty line” (KI News, 13 January 2008).
Poverty to worsen in 2009 (2)
Given the population increase, inequality in revenue distribution and gross misallocation of resources in Cambodia, a minimum 5 percent annual GDP growth is required to prevent poverty from worsening. For 2009, the IMF has predicted that Cambodia’s economy would shrink by 0.5%, meaning a negative growth leading to a marked increase in poverty.
Sharp drop in customs revenue (2)
In the 2008 state budget, the Customs Department accounted for over 60 percent of all tax revenue, which is a relatively high figure in the region. For 2009, it should collect US$585 million, a figure that now looks impossible to achieve given the ongoing economic slowdown.
For the first two months of 2009, customs revenue reached only US$64 million compared to US$86 million for the same period last year, which represents a 25 percent drop [adjusted for the collection of a US$7 million duty pertaining to 2008].
State budget for 2009 in jeopardy (2)
The government will soon be obliged to revise downward the state budget for 2009 that was adopted last December because it is unable to collect the projected revenue. See above news “Sharp drop in customs revenue” while knowing that the fall in revenue also holds for other sources of income. The projected 2009 budget amounts to US$1.75 billion compared to US$1.37 billion for the 2008 budget, representing a 28 percent increase. This 28 percent increase will likely evaporate and be replaced by a decrease instead. Cambodia is facing the world economic crisis with a collapsing budget, let alone a strong budget with an appropriate economic stimulus package.
Cambodia losing competitiveness because of its dollarized economy (2)
A dollarized economy puts Cambodia in a weak position in the face of the global economic crisis. The fact that Cambodia’s currency, the riel, is pegged to the US dollar is putting pressure on its economic competitiveness as its neighbors’ currencies (Thai baht, Vietnamese dong) depreciate vis-à-vis the US dollar. Little can be done about this in the short term since 95 percent of Cambodia’s money supply consists of US dollars. Paradoxically for the poorer country, the cost of living is higher in Cambodia than in Thailand and Vietnam. For instance, a factory worker can live on a monthly salary of US$60 in Vietnam but not in Cambodia. Cambodia’s economy has been dollarized as a result of weak economic foundations (low productivity, lack of diversification, over-reliance on foreign remittances, shady foreign investors/speculators, cash economy) and poor governance.
_ _ _ _ _ _ _
ARCHIVES
13 January 2008
Over 75 percent of Cambodians live under poverty line (1)
According to the latest official statistics, 35 percent of Cambodians live below the "national poverty line", which is defined as $0.75 of income a day. But if the poverty line is raised to $2 a day, which is the level used to measure poverty in most developing countries in Asia and Africa, 77.7 percent of Cambodia's population live under this more realistic poverty line. The 35 percent of Cambodians identified above through our "national poverty line", are actually those who survive under a "starvation line" of $0.75 a day.
Source: 2007/2008 Reports, Human Development Reports, UNDP.
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Ogura, Yuko
Name:
Birthdate: November 1, 1983
Birth location: Mobara, Chiba prefecture, Japan
Measurements: B31″ W22″ H32″
Height: 5 ft 3 in (162cm)
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